By Alan France, Dorothy Bottrell, Derrick Armstrong (auth.)
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Additional info for A Political Ecology of Youth and Crime
These can be ideological and ‘external’ yet have a significant part to play in shaping the exo and mesosystems of the everyday (and therefore the types and quality of micro interactions) and directly affect individuals as ideology is ‘made manifest through custom and practice in everyday life’ (1977, p. 515). They infiltrate and embed core principles and expected practices of ‘political orders’ through policy and public discourse, influencing how people understand concepts such as crime, disorder, social mobility and inequity.
51). But it is not enough just to ‘assert an identity’, it must also be validated by those we have dealings with. As Goffman (1959) suggests, we are all involved in self-presentation or ‘impression management strategies’ in the construction of our social identities. It is also important to recognise that the process of producing ourselves A Theory of the Political Ecology of Youth and Crime 29 is context dependent and so includes institutional identifications (Mead, 1934). e. public organisations with rules and procedures) or informal (collective groupings such as friendship networks or social groups) and embedded in micro and meso interactions.
Opening times would vary and activities did not occur with any regularity. It was usually only open at weekends or in an evening and most centres provided limited access. It was also the case that what was on offer did not always appeal to those who might have attended. For boys, it tended to be ‘pool’ or ‘snooker’, while girls just ‘hung around’ the centre 44 A Political Ecology of Youth and Crime chatting. The centres could also be a source of risk and danger in that they were frequently dominated by certain groups of young people and tended to be places where conflicts between individuals and gangs were played out.